Americans have often thought that they could alter another country to their liking and then felt frustrated when things turned out otherwise.
Engaging with the World : Critical Reflections on India's Foreign Policy
And their counsel—that Washington should focus more on its own power and base its China policy on more realistic expectations—is worth taking seriously. Although Campbell and Ratner have legitimate reasons to be dismayed at the direction of the U. Some U. We should do our own self-reflection to examine what went wrong.
Political polarization, power struggles, scandals, a lack of confidence in national establishments, tweets doubling as policy announcements, the frequent replacement of top officials in charge of foreign affairs, vacancies in important government positions—similar problems existed before, but their intensity and scope have been particularly stunning since the U. The way the Trump administration is wielding U.
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India’s Foreign Policy and its Neighbours
Underground Haruki Murakami. Titan II David K. However, civilian leaders sought to concentrate power in their hands. Two civilian leaders, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, tried to use the army as an instrument to consolidate power and appointed what they believed to be pliant officers as army chiefs, only to see themselves overthrown by the very men they elevated to the highest rank. Tragically Pakistan has suffered from the dual malaise of civilian and military authoritarianism. This dysfunctional civil-military relationship has had the effect of compounding its relations with its rival neighbour — India.
Its repeated forays in politics have had a corrosive and subversive effect on the Constitution, and civilian institutions such as the judiciary and parliament. At various moments in the last sixty years, the army has also muzzled the media during periods of military rule. Two crucial insights come through in the book — more specifically about A. While one can draw the inference from the book that the balkanization of Pakistan is not imminent, because the rump entity it is today is reasonably cohesive, Nawaz does make an explicit point that Pakistan is a diverse society and emphasizing pluralism and democracy will bring greater balance between the military and civilian leadership.
Therefore, the generals have to step back and let the democratic process play itself out. Rather, Nawaz proposes that the army work out an alternative strategy in resolving Kashmir, crack down on militants and extremists and ultimately divest itself from an intensely competitive relationship with India.
New Delhi is confronted with an extremely complex country whose accumulated insecurities and attitudes are unlikely to disappear soon. On the one hand, a pivotal strategic location, an influential middle class, a demographic dividend and a large, professional, nuclear-armed military ought to conjure up an impression of strength or, at the very least, security.
Instead, Pakistan has appeared increasingly weighed-down by its deteriorating internal security, uneven civil-military relations and its dependency on foreign aid, thereby epitomising the paradox of state strength and weakness. The variables being what they are, one institution — the military — is central to any equation pertaining to Pakistan.
Without a doubt, the greatest dilemma for the United States government in developing a regional strategy is how exactly to engage the Pakistani military, especially its dominant branch, the army. Yet rather shockingly, the institutional objectives of the Pakistani military remain poorly understood in Washington. For Indians, accustomed as we are to the traditions of the license-quota Raj, the unofficial economy is familiar territory. Readers should be warned: Military Inc. As is often the case with polemicists, she tends to overstate her case, despite frequently backing herself up with meticulous research and a clear analytical framework.
Yet Siddiqa deserves kudos for tackling a subject on which accessible data is scarce, and for which potential individual sources need not always be forthcoming. The predatory military that Siddiqa portrays so vividly is clearly unsuitable for a major state hoping to make a positive impact on the global landscape of the 21st century. A predatory state and military cannot be considered an isolated phenomena, but rather as rooted in the preservation of predatory feudal structures.
Sadly, she fails to take a step back and sufficiently contextualise her damning portrait of the military within the broader social canvas that is Pakistan.
LeftWord Books, New Delhi, THE cover jacket of this well-researched and analytical volume does both justice and injustice to it. In proclaiming that the Third World was a project and not a place, as is commonly believed, it refreshes our collective anti-colonial memories. The editors, and not to speak of the author himself, should have been more careful. Was the idea itself flawed or was its promise undone by the political leaders of the former colonies?
Prashad has synthesized an enormous amount of historical data spanning countries across Asia, Africa and South America in writing this book. By departing from the inherently anti-imperialist practices implied by the Third World, and embracing former enemies in the guise of globalization, many countries are repeating the historical mistakes they made during the dark days of superpower alignment and the Cold War. This book tells us where, how and why the anti-imperialist project went wrong after the Second World War.
Its message is icy; to escape the trap of western domination reasserted by contemporary globalization, the Washington Consensus must be abandoned and the socialist path retaken by some South American countries should be followed. Unfortunately, the present Asian leadership of the former Third World, despite the ongoing economic crisis caused by the anarchies of capitalist globalization, seems happily immune to the possibilities present in the volume under review.
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